Recent Past-139

The Recent Past FROM A SOUTHERN STANDPOINT. Reminiscences of a Grandfather. “FORSAN ET HÆC OLIM MEMINISSE JUVABIT.” BY RICHARD H. WILMER, BISHOP OF ALABAMA. ____________________________________________ NEW YORK: THOMAS WHITTAKER, 2 AND 3 BIBLE HOUSE. 1887.
Page 139. POST-BELLUM REMINISCENCES. IT has occurred to me that the incidents recorded below might afford my children some valuable information and entertainment. They throw some light on this part of our country’s history, and, I think, should see the light. INTRUSION OF THE MILITARY POWER. JUST after the civil war, which reduced the State of Alabama to the condition of a military province, your grandfather became the object of a military order which closed the churches of his diocese, and subjected him to a notoriety which he neither desired nor anticipated. It is a long story, with which I will not burden these pages. You will find in the journals of my diocese a very full statement of the whole matter. You will also find a brief synoptical view in the “Centennial History of the Church in America.” Let it suffice for me to say, that even at this hour, as I stand upon the border of time, there is not a word put down in the history of those events which I regret or would recall. I have in this matter the answer of a good conscience towards God and man. Page 140. I give you here the briefest outline. When the war ended, I found the civil government of the State subverted, her constitution abrogated, her governor deposed, and held under duress, her whole civil power annihilated, the drumhead the only tribunal of justice. The first practical question that pressed upon me for decision was that relating to the use of the “Prayer for all those in Civil Authority,” as formulated in the Book of Common Prayer. I looked around, and found no vestige of any such authority. I was under no ecclesiastical obligation to use the prayer as it stood in the prayer-book; for when I was consecrated a bishop, I had made a “Declaration of Conformity” to the Constitution of the Church in the Confederate States. Some of the generals of the Federal army were kind enough to step forward, and attempt to solve all my doubts upon the question; but they did not succeed in settling my difficulty. Prayer ought to be a very real and sincere thing; and I could not find it in my heart to send up a prayer to Heaven for a blessing on what had no existence, nor could I make up my mind to pray under dictation. But I was bound by a higher obligation than any which man can impose, to pray for our rulers of whatever sort. The fact that they were holding us in slavish subjection did not release us from that obligation. Nor did we desire any such release. Page 141. The fact that they had abrogated all the sanctions of our former legislative, judicial, and executive government, only increased the necessity for more earnest prayers unto God that He would give grace to these soldiers who held us under the bayonet, to “execute justice, and maintain truth.” But when it came to ask the Almighty to give “health, prosperity, and long life” to the commander-in-chief of this body of men, who had settled down upon our whole country, and when officers with swords at their sides came to demand it, I, for one, had no doubt or misgiving as to what course I should pursue. I wish that some of my brethren who will not consent to catholicize our prayers— the prayer for the President is the one uncatholic spot in our regular liturgy— could have seen the necessity as I then saw it. The wording of this prayer will have to be changed. The troubles in this country have not ended. We will have to go through all the diseases incident to a nation’s childhood. We will have— we have already nearly had— rival Presidents-elect. It may be we shall have a President of Knights of Labor, with men of brawn and muscle to make good their pretensions. Page 142. Then will come the strain; then timid people will palter with the Almighty in a double sense; then feeble brethren, at the nod of a soldier, will wing heavenward their extorted little prayers (which are insults to Heaven), with protests attached to them. I have known that to be done, and it may happen again. He studies history to little purpose who does not now provide for all the contingencies likely to arise in the course of events. What endless troubles came upon the people of England during the usurpation of Cromwell. The loyal men of the realm felt bound in conscience to pray for the king; and the powers that were forbade it, and sent the offenders to prison or into exile. A state of things may exist in this country, when a rude soldier shall step up to the officiating minister, and demand to know which President of the United States he refers to in his prayer; and it may even happen that one clergyman may be praying in one church for one President, and another in a neighboring church may be invoking long life and prosperity upon another claimant to the office. He has read history very superficially who does not recognize the possibility of all that I have supposed. Situated as I was after the war of the States, with no existing civil authority over me, I was virtually ordered to “pray for the dead” with but slight hope of any present resurrection. They who mean nothing by their prayers can easily pray for any thing or nothing. Page 143. “Why do you curse so? ” said an acquaintance: “you offend me by your profanity.”— “Ah, well ! ” was the reply, “you pray a good deal, and I curse a good deal, but the Lord knows that neither of us means any thing by it.” But this is aside. In the state of things above described, I issued a pastoral letter to my clergy, and told them that “the prayer for all those in civil authority” was out of place and utterly incongruous under the present state of affairs; that, whilst bound ever to pray for our rulers, there was a manifest incongruity in the prayer-book form of prayer for rulers which made it inapplicable to our people in their then condition; that it was not a question of loyalty, but of congruity, and a question to be settled by none but an ecclesiastical authority. The clergy fell into line to a man. Hearing that there were troubles brewing in Mobile,— I had refugeed in Greensborough,— I went there at once. I had been in the city but a few hours, when a servant came to my room, and told me that an officer had called to see me. Upon going to the parlor, a general of the Federal army introduced himself to me as an officer on the staff of the General commanding, and said that he had called by direction of said officer, to know when I meant to use the prayer for the President of the United States. Page 144. I told him that that was a question the General had no right to ask, and that I answered no such questions if put in a tone of authority; that the Church had her sphere of action, and could not permit any intrusion. The officer was thrown aback, talked a good deal about the absoluteness of military power, and intimated, not obscurely, that I would have to succumb. I told him that he would see for himself the issue. After a considerable talk on his part,— I preserving entire silence,— he proposed that we should talk the matter over as “between man and man.” I told him that I had no sentiment that was not open to the world, but none that could be extorted. He then in a very familiar way put the question anew under the programme of, as “between man and man.”— “When do you think you will use the prayer-book prayer for the President? ” I answered, “When you all get away from here.” This particular prayer was for a government of the people’s choice and affection,— the loyal prayer of the Church of England, rather servilely continued in our liturgy. Page 145. “The fact is, sir, that the government, as it is over us now, and impersonated in the President, is a government for which I desire the least ‘length of life’ and the ‘least prosperity’ that is consistent with the permissive will of God; ” that we did ardently pray that he who held these reins of absolute power might have “grace” to execute judgment, and to maintain truth, etc., and hoped that our prayers would be answered. I then said to the officer, “Suppose our positions reversed; suppose we had conquered you, and, amid all your desolation and sadness and humiliation, commanded you to fall down upon your knees, and ask God to grant long life, health, and prosperity to our commanding officer,— would you do it ? ” I cannot quote his reply, for his excitement threw him off his balance; and he intimated in strong but profane terms, that he would be— something very dreadful— if he would. “Well,” I said, “I am not disposed to use your phraseology; but, if I do that thing that you come to order me to do,— addressing the Almighty with my lips, when my heart is not in my prayer,— I ran great danger of meeting the doom that you have hypothetically invoked upon your own head.” He then left. In the course of a few days, there came out “general orders,” shutting up all our churches, and “suspending” me from all my functions. These orders were, on the part of the general commanding the military district, accompanied with a shower of bad language that could only fall with its foul savor on the head of him who gave vent to it. Page 146. Meanwhile, the churches were nearly all closed, and soldiers stationed at the doors to prevent entrance. Yet it is a great mercy that even military rule cannot entirely close our communications with Heaven. We worshipped in private houses; and I confirmed in churches which were not guarded by soldiers, issued Pastorals, etc., much to the indignation of the general who had suspended me from my functions. After a while, the Council of the Church in the Confederate States held its regular triennial session at Augusta, Ga. There the whole question of “the prayer for those in authority” was settled by the adoption of the old form in the Prayer-Book. Coupled with this action, however, was a “resolution” that each bishop should exercise his own discretion as to the time for its introduction. Upon this modification, I had absolutely insisted. By this action of the Council, it was competent for me at once to order the use of the prayer; but as the military intrusion still existed, I delayed the matter until the order should be withdrawn. It went hard with the General to do it but he was compelled by a higher power, and poured out his wrath in language that could only defile the lips from which it issued. Page 147. If I cannot say with the Apostle, “I have, after the manner of men, fought with beasts at Ephesus,” I can truly say that there was poured upon my head a very flood of abuse and obloquy. I received it in all complacency. I do not know whether I most enjoy the plaudits of my friends or the abuse of my unfriends. It is grateful “laudari a laudato viro.” The abuse of some men is a crown of glory. Now, I have made a long story very short. The whole narration might prove wearisome. Reminiscences of a Grandfather: Previous Chapters, “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin ” Book Library: Excellent ! scanned Book copy. The Unionist— John C. Calhoun. Rails West. At A Georgia Camp Meeting At The Cotton Picker’s Ball “If the South had only wanted to protect slavery . . .” “Southern States were not interested in returning and paying unfair tariffs . . .” TaxJudas.com Proposed 13th Amendment Marching Through Georgia! Constantine passed a law which gave freedom to all the slaves who should embrace Christianity.

The Recent Past
FROM A SOUTHERN STANDPOINT.
Reminiscences of a Grandfather.

“FORSAN ET HÆC OLIM MEMINISSE JUVABIT.”

BY RICHARD H. WILMER, BISHOP OF ALABAMA.

____________________________________________

NEW YORK: THOMAS WHITTAKER,
2 AND 3 BIBLE HOUSE. 1887.

Page 139. POST-BELLUM REMINISCENCES.
IT has occurred to me that the incidents recorded below might afford my children some valuable information and entertainment. They throw some light on this part of our country’s history, and, I  think, should see the light.

INTRUSION OF THE MILITARY POWER.
JUST after the civil war, which reduced the State of Alabama to the condition of a military province, your grandfather became the object of a military order which closed the churches of his diocese, and subjected him to a notoriety which he neither desired nor anticipated. It is a long story, with which I will not burden these pages. You will find in the journals of my diocese a very full statement of the whole matter. You will also find a brief synoptical view in the “Centennial History of the Church in America.” Let it suffice for me to say, that even at this hour, as I stand upon the border of time, there is not a word put down in the history of those events which I regret or would recall. I  have in  this matter the answer of a good conscience towards God and  man.

Page 140.
I give you here the briefest outline. When the war ended, I found the civil government of the State subverted, her constitution abrogated, her governor deposed, and held under duress, her whole civil power annihilated, the drumhead the only tribunal of justice.
The first practical question that pressed upon me for decision was that relating to the use of the “Prayer for all those in Civil Authority,” as formulated in the Book of Common Prayer. I looked around, and found no vestige of any such authority. I was under no ecclesiastical obligation to use the prayer as it stood in the prayer-book; for when I  was consecrated a  bishop, I  had made a “Declaration of  Conformity” to the Constitution of the Church in the Confederate States.
Some of the generals of the Federal army were kind enough to step forward, and attempt to solve all my doubts upon the question; but they did not succeed in settling my difficulty. Prayer ought to be a very real and sincere thing; and I could not find it in my heart to send up a prayer to Heaven for a blessing on what had no existence, nor could I make up my mind to pray under dictation. But I was bound by a higher obligation than any which man can impose, to pray for our rulers of whatever sort. The fact that they were holding us in slavish subjection did not release us from that obligation. Nor did we desire any such release.

Page 141.
The fact that they had abrogated all the sanctions of our former legislative, judicial, and executive government, only increased the necessity for more earnest prayers unto God that He would give grace to these soldiers who held us under the bayonet, to “execute justice, and maintain truth.” But when it came to ask the Almighty to give “health, prosperity, and long life” to the commander-in-chief of this body of men, who had settled down upon our whole country, and when officers with swords at their sides came to demand it, I, for one, had no doubt or misgiving as to what course I should pursue. I wish that some of my brethren who will not consent to catholicize our prayers— the prayer for the President is the one uncatholic spot in our regular liturgy— could have seen the necessity as I then saw it. The wording of this prayer will have to be changed. The troubles in this country have not ended. We will have to go through all the diseases incident to a nation’s childhood. We will have— we have already nearly had— rival Presidents-elect. It may be we shall have a President of Knights of Labor, with men of brawn and muscle to make good their pretensions.

Page 142.
Then will come the strain; then timid people will palter with the Almighty in a double sense; then feeble brethren, at the nod of a soldier, will wing heavenward their extorted little prayers (which are insults to Heaven), with protests attached to them. I have known that to be done, and it may happen again.
He studies history to little purpose who does not now provide for all the contingencies likely to arise in the course of events. What endless troubles came upon the people of England during the usurpation of Cromwell. The loyal men of the realm felt bound in conscience to pray for the king; and the powers that were forbade it, and sent the offenders to prison or into exile. A state of things may exist in this country, when a rude soldier shall step up to the officiating minister, and demand to know which President of the United States he refers to in his prayer; and it may even happen that one clergyman may be praying in one church for one President, and another in a neighboring church may be invoking long life and prosperity upon another claimant to the office. He has read history very superficially who does not recognize the possibility of all that I  have supposed.
Situated as I was after the war of the  States, with no existing civil authority over me, I was virtually ordered to “pray for the dead” with but slight hope of any present resurrection. They who mean nothing by their prayers can easily pray for any thing or nothing.

Page 143.
“Why do  you curse  so? ” said an  acquaintance: “you  offend me by your profanity.”—
“Ah, well ! ” was  the  reply, “you  pray a  good deal, and I  curse a  good deal, but the  Lord knows that neither of  us means any thing by  it.”
But this is aside. In the state of things above described, I issued a pastoral letter to my clergy, and told them that “the prayer for all those in civil authority” was out of place and utterly incongruous under the present state of affairs; that, whilst bound ever to pray for our rulers, there was a manifest incongruity in the prayer-book form of prayer for rulers which made  it inapplicable to our  people in their then  condition; that  it was  not a question of loyalty, but of congruity, and a question to be settled by none but an ecclesiastical authority. The  clergy fell into line to  a man.
Hearing that there were troubles brewing in Mobile,— I had refugeed in Greensborough,— I went there at once. I had been in the city but a few hours, when a servant came to my room, and told me that an officer had called to see me. Upon going to the parlor, a general of the Federal army introduced himself to me as an officer on the staff of the General commanding, and said that he had called by direction of said officer, to know when I meant to use the prayer for the President of the United States.

Page 144.
I told him that that was a question the General had no right to ask, and that I answered no such questions if put in a tone of authority; that the Church had her sphere of action, and could not permit any intrusion. The officer was thrown aback, talked a good deal about the absoluteness of military power, and intimated, not obscurely, that I would have to succumb. I told him that he would see for himself the issue. After a considerable talk on his part,— I preserving entire silence,— he proposed that we should talk the matter over as “between man and man.” I told him that I had no sentiment that was not open to the world, but none that could be extorted.
He then in a very familiar way put the question anew under the programme of, as “between man and man.”— “When do you think you will use the prayer-book prayer for the President? ”
I answered, “When you all get away from here.” This particular prayer was for a government of the people’s choice and affection,— the loyal prayer of the Church of  England, rather servilely continued in  our liturgy.

Page 145.
“The fact is, sir, that the government, as it is over us now, and impersonated in the President, is a government for which I desire the least ‘length of  life’ and the ‘least prosperity’ that is consistent with the permissive will of God; ” that we did ardently pray that he who held these reins of absolute power might have “grace” to execute judgment, and to maintain truth, etc., and hoped that our prayers would be answered. I then said to the officer, “Suppose our positions reversed; suppose we had conquered you, and, amid all your desolation and sadness and humiliation, commanded you to fall down upon your knees, and ask God to grant long life, health, and prosperity to our commanding officer,— would you do it ? ” I cannot quote his reply, for his excitement threw him off his balance; and he intimated in strong but profane terms, that he would be— something very dreadful— if he would. “Well,” I said, “I am not disposed to use your phraseology; but, if I do that thing that you come to order me to do,— addressing the Almighty with my lips, when my heart is not in my prayer,— I ran great danger of meeting the doom that you have hypothetically invoked upon your own head.” He then left.
In the course of a few days, there came out “general orders,” shutting up all our churches, and “suspending” me from all my functions. These orders were, on the part of the general commanding the military district, accompanied with a shower of bad language that could only fall with its foul savor on the head of him who gave vent to it.

Page 146.
Meanwhile, the churches were nearly all closed, and soldiers stationed at the doors to prevent entrance. Yet it is a great mercy that even military rule cannot entirely close our communications with Heaven. We worshipped in private houses; and I confirmed in churches which were not guarded by soldiers, issued Pastorals, etc., much to the indignation of the general who had suspended me from my functions.
After a while, the Council of the Church in the Confederate States held its regular triennial session at Augusta, Ga. There the whole question of “the prayer for those in authority” was settled by the adoption of the old form in the Prayer-Book. Coupled with this action, however, was a “resolution” that each bishop should exercise his own discretion as to the time for its introduction. Upon this modification, I had absolutely insisted.
By this action of the Council, it was competent for me at once to order the use of the prayer; but as the military intrusion still existed, I delayed the matter until the order should be withdrawn. It went hard with the General to do it but he was compelled by a higher power, and poured out his wrath in language that could only defile the lips from which it issued.

Page 147.
If I cannot say with the Apostle, “I have, after the manner of men, fought with beasts at Ephesus,” I can truly say that there was poured upon my head a very flood of abuse and  obloquy. I  received it in  all complacency. I  do not know whether I most enjoy the plaudits of my friends or the abuse of my unfriends. It is grateful “laudari a laudato viro.” The  abuse of some men is a crown of glory.
Now, I have made a long story very  short. The  whole narration might prove wearisome.

Reminiscences of a Grandfather:
Previous Chapters, “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin ”
Book Library: Excellent ! scanned Book copy.

The Unionist— John C. Calhoun. Rails West.

At A Georgia Camp Meeting

At The Cotton Picker’s Ball

“If the South had only wanted to protect slavery . . .” “Southern States were not interested in returning and paying unfair tariffs . . .”
TaxJudas.com

Proposed 13th Amendment

Marching Through Georgia!

Constantine passed a law which gave freedom to all the slaves who should embrace Christianity.